Kabuki’s early history is mainly associated with prostitution with performances which enacted scenes showing revelry in brothels and how prostitutes snared their clients. This period in Kabuki’s history is called onna kabuki (women’s kabuki), homosexual male prostitutes were part of these performances and in the topsy-turvy world of kabuki the women dressed as men and the men dress as women. The popularity of kabuki during this early period is recorded by Shively (1955, p 328) who quotes from a 17th century book: “Although there are many different things which are popular in Edo now, there is nothing to compare with the kabuki women of Yoshiwara-cho”. The onna kabuki phenomenon is also captured in a Kyoto guidebook from 1658 where it is said that the kabuki woman “captivated hearts by appealing to their six senses. Men threw away their wealth, some forgot their fathers and mothers, others did no care if they mothers of their children were jealous.” (Shively 1955, p329). The influence of kabuki was not confined to the lower classes, court ladies were influenced by their style.
Governmental fear of social disorder and the worry that the Samurai were being reduced to a sloth like class resulted in women kabuki performers being banned in 1628, however it appears the ban had little effect for it was reissued in 1630, 1640, 1645 and 1646. The imprisoning of a theatre manager in 1647 resulted in an almost total ban for the next 250 years (Shively 1955, p330).
From 1612 another branch of kabuki was evolving, wakashu kabuki (youth’s kabuki) but as with womens’ kabuki it was a front for male prostitution. The bakufu employed various tactics to curtail the popularity of these troupes. This included banning female impersonators, closing kabuki theatres and an outright ban on youth kabuki, which was eventually lifted with the devising of an agreement which saw kabuki evolve into yaro kabuki (Fellow’s kabuki). The bakufu changed tactics by devising restrictions designed to impair the attractiveness of the actors. One tactic was the have those acting female roles had to shave off their forelocks. In a society obsessed with hairstyles the immediate effect was to make the actors seem less attractive, however, in the long term this change had little effect. On their part the actors resorted to using cloth covers, caps, pieces of silk and later on copper cones covered with hair – a form of wig. Edicts governing the performance of kabuki and conduct of the actors in Edo were often extended to include Osaka and Kyoto, however, implementation was often at a much later date.
Shively (1955, p336) notes that it was not until the end of the seventeenth century that art triumphed over sex in kabuki.
Kabuki was not the only style of theatre in Edo. It existed alongside No and Kyogen theatre styles, which were aimed at the higher social classes. No theatre enjoyed government sponsorship (Groemer 1998, p117), had a longer history and was a more codified school of theatre. However, Kabuki would often draw on No and Kyogen themes and stories. It also explored Buddhist concepts of nemesis as well as Confucian traditions of duty and obligation (Matsuda 1998). Kabuki contrasted with the formal style of No theatre by being flamboyant with extravagant make-up and costumes along with an exaggerated acting style which resulted in a spectacular visual feast. However, because it was theatre for the common man many sumptuary laws were introduced to stop kabuki using expensive costumes, the fear being that the upper class samurai may become envious of the common merchant classes whose wealth was increasing (Shively 1955, p345).
New techniques in weaving and dyeing had stimulated a passionate interest in fine clothes and the flamboyant nature of kabuki costume influenced dress styles. In No theatre costumes with lavish silks and brocade were an essential part of the drama, they exuded luxury and elegance, but No theatre was not easily accessible to the lower classes. The laws did not only govern Kabuki performances and kabuki actors on stage, there were restrictions governing day to day living which included dress and restrictions of movement. In 1636 one theatre manager and an actor were jailed for using costumes that were deemed to extravagant. However, as with many laws governing kabuki, the kabuki theatres continually push the boundaries resulting in these laws being restated in 1649, 1650, 1655, 1662 etc. By 1668 concessions were made in the third month of that year:
“1. The shows in Sakai-cho and Kobiki-cho must not be extravagant. In general the actors may wear cloths of silk, pongee, and cotton, and on the stage, they may wear costumes of hirashima, habutae, silk and pongee. Goods dyed to order, purple linings, red linings, purple caps, and embroidered articles are prohibited.” (Shively 1955, p345)
The infusion of Kabuki with No themes and stories probably contributed to official tolerance of the art form, for although No had blatant ideological messages, these were more subtly portrayed in Kabuki. Towards the end of the Edo period a hybrid theatre style called Teriha Kyogen developed which was a combination of Kabuki and No (Groemer 1998, p 130). The Bakufu also tolerated kabuki because, like prostitution, it was a necessary evil that ensured people were not diverted towards more mischievous ends.
Kabuki provided an outlet which enabled criticism of the feudal system. Techniques like mitate enabled current events to be dramatized using past events and changing character names. For example, Kanadehon Chushingura, a play about revenge and loyalty set in fourteenth century Kamakura, takes its theme from the vendetta carried out by the 47 ronin in 1703 (Matsuda 1998). It became common knowledge to theatre patrons that characters called Hojo Tokimasa, who lived from 1138 to 1215, was being used to represent Tokugawa Ieyasu, (1542 to 1616) and that Kamakura was used instead of Edo (Shiveley 1955, p352). Such subversion, though tolerated, was subject to regulation, censorship and licensing for fear of social upheaval. Kabuki theatres were confined to the pleasure areas of Kyoto, Osaka and Edo (Tokyo). There were style differences in each of the three cities. Gerstle (1998, p35) quotes the author of the 1801 book Sakusha Shijo Kezairoku (Treasury of rules for playwrights) who describes Kyoto kabuki as a ‘beautiful woman’, Osaka kabuki as a ‘dandy’ and Edo kabuki as ‘samurai. The distinctly Edo aragoto style probably developed because it was under the closer scrutiny of the bakufu and samurai. Gerstle (1989, p36) goes as far as to say that “the essence of aragoto is defiance toward the samurai.” This tension comes across in floating world art, particularly in the Torii masters work which is discussed later in this essay.
There are other areas of Edo culture where it could be argued kabuki exercised influence. Government painting was divided into two schools, Kano and Tosa. Tosa was responsible for paintings with literary or emotional themes for the shunjo’s court. Kano painters painted in the form of narratives or of auspicious flora and fauna. Kano painters did not sell their work or accept commissions, they were under a hereditary obligation to a daimyo or to the shogunate and received a fixed income. They were deemed to be eshi or ‘samurai in painting’ (Screech 2000, p129). A full Kano training was 21 years and mainly consisted of the replication of existing works. However, deviations from the norm did occur an example being Kano Sosen Kagenobu’s painting of a young woman, probably a prostitute, laid reclined and playing with a ball. Many artists also left the school probably finding the restrictions of painting ‘real painting’ too much.
The Takegawa branch of the Kano school was taken over by the ambitious Eisen-in who developed a close and powerful relationship with Ieharu, the result of this was that the school was re-established in the Kobikicho and area renowned for its kabuki theatres. This was an unusual location to establish a Kano school because the ideologies of each art are incompatible. Kano is concerned with themes of kingship and the samurai, whereas kabuki was for the pleasure of the commoners. The evidence suggests that the school was unable to re-enforce traditional Kano forms. Artist left the school and the desires and political agenda of artists started to permeate works.
Chobusai Eishi, a pupil of the school, established a close relationship with Ieharu via Eisen-in. Chobuai Eishi abandoned the Kano style to produce Ukiyo-E, pictures of the Floating World, a world associated with kabuki and which the author Asai Ryoi defined in his 1661 novel ‘Tales of the Floating World’ (Ukiyo-monogatari) as: "Living only for the moment, savoring the moon, the snow, the cherry blossoms and the maple leaves, singing songs, loving sake, women and poetry, letting oneself drift, buoyant and carefree, like a gourd carried along with the river current.", this utopian definition, however, masks the social strains between commoner and higher classes, a chink was appearing which was “steeping the shogunal space in low-life revelry and eroticism” (Screech 2000, p 138).
"The Courtesan Nakagawa
of the Matsubaya Teahouse", 1796
by Chobunsai Eishi
Kabuki also gave birth to its own school of art pioneered by the Torii Masters. Torii Shobei Kiyonobu (1664-1729) moved from Osaka to Edo with his actor father. He assumed the name Kiyonobu and by 1700 at around age 36 he appears to have achieved status as an artist (Link 1977, p8)
He adopted two styles, his main style of composition was quiet and decorated, probably drawn from his
experiences in Kamigata. Below is theonnagata in the play Kanto Koroku. In the role of Tsuyu no Mae, the actor is performing a lunatic dance before the Tadasu Shrine. Fluid contours and rounded forms portray elegance. It seems almost perverse, and an example of womens’ oppression, that the onnagata influenced hair fashion, kimono design, style of walking and
defined femininity.
This style was not only confined to kabuki works but could also be seen in his courtesans works. Adjacent
is a black and white sheet of a Courtesan painting a screen whilst watched by her lover, produced around 1711. The work is cleanly produced but the full bodied figures give the work a sedate elegance. His other style was reserved for the depiction of swashbuckling Edo actors and was more energetic. Below is an example of this style.
This work entitled Yamanaka Heikuro and Ichikawa Danjuro II illustrates his energe
tic style. Light ochre is used to colour the figure, particularly the belly. The effect is to accentuate it, making the character appear enraged and literally fit to burst.Such was the success of Kiyonobu’s work that it was often pirated and his works could also be found as
votive offerings in Shinto shrines (Link 1977, p9).
The actors performing these roles were held in an almost god-like esteem. Prints of actors often performing a role they were famous for, ensured their names and image were spread beyond Edo into rural areas. They were used to promote kimono patterns, hair styles, even candy. In many respects this give legitimacy to Gerstle’s (1989, pXII) comment “that most art was a commodity produced for a price”. However, in some respects Gerstle’s comment is too general and cynical for as he comments later in his book:
“The contemporary Danjuro’s view (and sources support it) is that ‘Danjuro’ was considered a deity for the Edo chonin (townsman, a god whose fierce look – like that of the guardian god Fudo Myoo at a temple, could exorcise evil and cure sickness. Danjuro was super-hero above the samurai, even above the Shogun himself.” (Gerstle 1989, p36-37)
This raises the interesting prospect that art featuring kabuki actors being religious iconography or even a talisman.
The torii artists held the monopoly in the production of playbills, programs and billboards which were a lucrative business, however, others imitated their style an example being the mysterious Kiyomasu who worked around the same time a
s Kiyonobu, but cannot be identified. There is speculationthat he may have come from a different branch of the Torii family. This work shows Ichikawa Danjûrô in the role of Soga "Takenuki" Gorô, from the play "Tsuwamono Gongen Soga", which was performed at the Nakamuraza in 1697. These two artist were to significantly influence the style of those who followed them.
The introduction of commercial printing transformed seventeenth century Edo, for the first time ordinary people had affordable access to culture which previously had only been available to the upper classes.
This essay has given a potted history of kabuki to illustrate its foundations and attempted to illustrate that despite government legislation it was a very adaptive artform. In its early days it was almost a front for prostitution before becoming a challenging and dynamic artform. In some respects kabuki could be considered the catalyst for many artistic and social changes, for example the oppression of women and influences in fashion. But it could also be argued that other areas of artistic endeavor, for example some Kano painters, were also rebelling against samurai tradition and constraint. Despite constant regulation, government attempts to curb Kabuki failed. The popularity of the art among common and upper classes inevitably led to concessions which by the nineteenth century meant that kabuki now had the elaborate theatre and staging as well as luxurious wigs and costumes. Even women from the Shoguns castle were being openly sent to the kabuki theatres to learn kabuki dances.
Bibliography
Gerstle C. (1989). 18th Century Japan, Culture and Society. Curzon. Richmond.
Groemer G. (1998). No at the Crossroads: Commoner Performance during the Edo Period. Asian Theatre Journal, Vol. 15, No. 1. (Spring, 1998), pp. 117-141.
Groemer G. (1998). Elite Culture for Common Audiences: Machiiri Nō and Kanjin Nō in the City of Edo. Asian Theatre Journal, Vol. 15, No. 2. (Autumn, 1998), pp. 230-252.
Link H. (1977). The Theatrical Prints of the Torii Masters. Riccar Art Museum. Honolulu.
Matsuda R (1998). An Introduction to Kabuki. http://www.indiana.edu/~japan/kabuki-pfv.html
Shively D. (1955).Bakufu Versus Kabuki. Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, Vol. 18, No. 3/4. (Dec., 1955), pp. 326-356.
Screech T. (2000). The Shogun’s Painted Culture. Reaktion Books. London
